Friday, November 3, 2017

"Him in December" (12월의 그이) - Kim Jong Un buries his father

"Him in December" (12 wŏl ŭi kŭi) is a short story by Hwang Yong Nam that appeared in the collection A Promise of Fire (Bul ŭi yaksok) in 2013. The story follows the young successor Kim Jong Un through the mourning period following his father's death in December 2011.

Kim Jong Il's body lies in state.
Src: Daily Mail
The story is noteworthy for its depiction of South Korean political, academic, media and online discourse as well as its specific mention of many South Korean political and societal leaders. One can get a sense of where various individuals stand in the North’s favor at this particular point in time: liberal ex-presidents are up, the Hyundai chairman is down, Reverend Moon Ik-hwan is still fondly remembered.

To the North Korean reader, it relays with outrage how foreign media have suggested that their tears are “staged.” It also suggests that many, many South Koreans were quite desperate to pay their respects but were blocked by the government.

The Plot

The story opens on the day after Kim Jong Il’s death was announced; KJU stands before the casket officiating. He stands like a rock for two hours as wave after wave of sobbing citizens come forth to pay their respects. KJU alone cannot indulge in the luxury of tears; he has to be strong for the people.

In the midst of his grieving, KJU is shown attending to a hundred different details related to the funeral plans, various high-level delegations and other minutiae. He realizes for the first time just how hard his father worked and how many details he attended to every single day with great respect and care for the people. 

He encounters the all-female Persimmon and Wildflower Brigades, who declare that “our powder is dry” and ask for orders. They are furious at the South Korean president Lee Myongbak for his statement issuing condolences “to the people of North Korea” and not to the government.

Female soldiers mourn Kim Jong Il's death.
Src: The Telegraph
KJU wants to initiate an open-border policy to allow South Korean mourners to come and pay their respects, but his generals worry that the ROK government will take advantage of any opening to launch an invasion, even in this time of national mourning.

KJU then takes a drive through the snowy streets of Pyongyang, mapping out the route of the funeral procession. The story meticulously mentions each of the iconic sights of Pyongyang that they drive past: the 4.25 Cultural Palace and Kim Il Sung Square, Okryu Bridge and the KWP Founding Memorial Tower, the greenhouses that grow the Kimjongilia flowers. 

----

On a cold wintery evening, Kim Dae-jung's widow Lee Hui-ho is gazing out at the sunset. Despite her advanced age of almost ninety, from the moment she heard the news she had been determined to pay a condolence visit to the North. If only her husband were alive, he would surely accompany her.

Lee Hui-ho with her husband Kim Dae-jung at his
inauguration in 1998.
Src: Kim Dae-Jung Peace Center
Hearing of her request to make a condolence visit to the North, Representative Pak Su-won of the Democratic Party has come to visit.

Together they reflect on better times, after the 6.15 Declaration, when media executives traveled North to beg forgiveness for their bad behavior, cultural exchanges took place several times a year, tourists could freely visit Mt. Kŭmgang, and pretty northern cheerleaders came down to Pusan and set young men's hearts aflutter. But alas, now the "Big 3" media were up to their old tricks, idiots were talking about war rationing, and they had just lost the one man who fought for peace - Kim Jong Il.
"It's not just me. Former Minister Lim Dong-hun, President Roh Mu-hyŏn's widow Kwŏn Yang-suk, and many others want to go. I'll do what I can. But looking at the current government attitude, we can't hope for much."
Since word had come down that the North was willing to accept condolence visits from any representative of any group or party in the South, the government had been frantic to come up with some excuse to block their visit. First they demanded that some family be left behind to ensure their return, and then they made noises about posting spies with the delegation. Next they started quibbling about scheduling and procedures.

Finally, this morning a call came from the Ministry of Unification, telling Lee to prepare to leave but offering all sorts of ridiculous instructions – bring plenty of food and clothing, don't bow your head, etc. 

That afternoon, her son Kim Hong Il returns from his visit to the Ministry of Unification in a bad mood. "Those no-good politicians. They're refusing to let Representative Pak come with us." He explains that they have categorically rejected all applications by actively serving government representatives and civic groups, as well as President Roh Mu-hyŏn's widow and the family of the late Reverend Moon Ik-hwan. Around Seoul National University students are putting up wall posters faster than officials can tear them down, demanding to be allowed North.

KWP Central Committee Member Kim Ki Nam
greets Lee Hui-ho at her husband Kim Dae-jung's
funeral in 2009.
Src: Hangyoreh
Unbelievably, it appears that Hyundai Chairman Hyŏn Jŏng-un may attend. Lee is outraged that Hyŏn gets to go when Roh's widow and Moon's family are denied, since those two worked so hard for unification. She recalls Reverend Moon's words when he was sentenced to prison for traveling North: "It seems like people can go North for business, but not for unification."

They speculate that the reason Roh's widow was denied is because North Korea only sent a condolence telegram when Roh died, not a full delegation like they sent for Kim Dae-jung. This kind of pettiness is typical of Unification Minister Yu Wu-ik and the transactional attitude of the president. "He may have started as a businessman, but he's our president now," Hong Il complains. "He can't just pursue profit, he's supposed to represent the people's spirit (minshim)."

Observing his mother's agitation, Hong Il has been holding back on the really bad news, which he finally reveals: They are only allowed two days and one night for their trip north. They'll leave tomorrow, and return the next day, before the funeral. Why? Because that's exactly how long the North Korean delegation stayed for Kim Dae-jung's memorial.

"This is really too much," Widow Lee mutters, disgusted.

---

As Lee Hui-ho's delegation travels north along the unification road to Pyongyang, she reflects on how much has changed. Has it only been a decade?

Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong Il in the Baekhwawŏn
Reception Hall, June 2000
Src: Tongil News
She warmly greets Secretary Chŏng Sŏn Il and is surprised by the familiar face of her driver from the 2000 visit, who has been appointed to chauffeur her again. Amazed by the warm welcome, she remembers how the MoU busybodies had fretted and warned her about the likely broken-down facilities and bad infrastructure she would find in the economically depressed North. Why, it is quite the opposite!
   "We've prepared the same suite you stayed in last time, at the Baekhwawŏn Reception Hall."
   Lee Hui-ho is startled by the words. Why, Baekhwawŏn is reserved for visits by heads of state! To think they went to such lengths for their shabby entourage.
   "It's on the Dear Leader Kim Jong Un's orders. He said you are to have the same room in the same condition as when you and President Kim visited... And he's the one who thought to arrange the same driver for you. He said to spare no effort to make you feel at home."
Kim Jong Un in a tank,
January 2009
Src: Yonhap
    Lee Hui-ho felt like she was dreaming. In the South, from the moment they first saw Deputy Chairman Kim Jong Un on the TV - his manner, his gait and his broad smile - why, everyone said he was like Kim Il Sung reborn! Since he was shown driving a tank at a military base on New Year's 2009, he had been portrayed as merely a professional soldier. And he was linked to the punishment of Yŏnpyŏngdo. And when he launched the Gwangmyŏngsŏng 2 rocket, and they said he was prepared for war, they all thought him terribly intimidating.
   A young, vigorous and decisive leader. That's how they thought of him in the South. Who knew he could be so thoughtful, so considerate?
That evening, Lee Hui-ho and entourage pay their respects to Kim Jong Il's body. There's a lot of crying and apologizing on behalf of South Korea for being so insensitive.
Lee Hui-ho, widow of former South Korean President Kim Dae-jung,
pays her respects to Kim Jong Il's casket.
Src: Joongang
The next day, with great regret, Lee's delegation says goodbye and returns South. The next day, they watch on TV as the funeral procession wends through the streets of Pyongyang, gasping as the hearse is swarmed by grieving people. "How could anyone look at that river of tears and say it is all just 'acting,' or 'forced'?" Lee wonders.

Back in North Korea, the funeral draws to a close. Gazing at the assembled top officials and military officers, Kim Jong Un makes an impassioned speech which includes the line, "We can forgive many things. But we can never forgive the crime of disrespecting our people's tears."

Seasonal Imagery

This story is chock full of winter metaphors. The Lee Myong Bak administration is described as a "cold frost" that froze over the warm wind of the 6.15 Inter-Korean Summit. The South Korean scenes are repeatedly described as cold and desolate, with great dark clouds threatening snow. Lee Hui-ho constantly refers to the current political deadlock in seasonal terms, saying "When will this cold snap end?" and "I think this winter will be very cold indeed." 

The North Korean delegation that went south for Kim Dae-jung's funeral is described as "a breath of warm spring air blowing on the frosted ground of the South." It is explained that Kim Dae-jung's nickname was "Honeysuckle" because he was to be "the weed that triumphed over winter." "Winter" of course refers to the period of Lee Myŏng-bak's presidency, when North-South relations were at their nadir.

North Korea's Condolence Delegation

This story contains an interesting reinterpretation of the August 2009 delegation of North Korean officials to Seoul to offer condolences upon the death of the late South Korean President Kim Dae Jung. This section begins at the visitation, as KJU talks with Central Committee Secretary Han Su Nam.
  "Secretary Han Su Nam!" His voice thundered out. "When was it we sent that condolence delegation south?”
  “Two years ago, in August.”
  “Only two years, then."
  It was two years ago, in August, that all North-South cooperation stopped. The Lee Myong-bak administration’s insane confrontation policy, known as the “lost decade," reached a fever-pitch with the Mt. Kumgang tourist incident. As the whole world was going crazy over our nuclear program, the cretins collaborated with foreign forces, and their bad behavior worsened. The warming mood that followed the 6.15  agreement had completely frozen over.
  After our editorial harshly condemned the traitor administration’s so-called “pragmatic government” as anti-Korean and anti-unification, North-South relations had deteriorated to a state even worse than before the 6.15 agreement. And then Kim Dae-jung passed away.
   The condolence delegation to Seoul, sent in the name of the General, was like a breath of warm spring air blowing on the frosted-over ground of the South at the height of confrontation. When the Central Committee Secretary Han Su Nam stepped out on the tarmac at Incheon airport, the south Koreans lowered their heads in awe at the great magnanimity and brotherly love of the General. The people lined the road all the way from Incheon to Seoul, waving flowers and cheering:  “Thanks to the benevolence and fraternal spirit of NDC Chairman Kim Jong Il, Kim Dae Jung will remain honored in our people’s history forever.” “Even though our land is divided, the blood of our people flows together as one.”
  Meanwhile criticism grew more concentrated against Lee Myung Bak and his policy of confrontation with the Republic. Though he had adamantly resisted, eventually he had no choice but to meet with the delegation. Secretary Han, who had been entrusted with handing over the General's personal letter of condolence, remembered his growing disillusionment as he watched the man flounder. 

Kim Ki Nam (second from left) and other North Korean officials
present flowers at Kim Dae-jung's funeral, August 2009
Src: SinoNK
For reference, here is Hankyoreh's coverage of the 2009 condolence delegation: http://english.hani.co.kr/arti/english_edition/e_northkorea/372535.html 
Note: The delegation actually arrived at Kimpo airport, not Inchŏn. Needless to say, the roads from Inchŏn to Seoul were not lined with people shouting the above slogans.

From the above excerpt, we can assume that "Secretary Han Su Nam" is probably Kim Ki Nam, the Central Committee secretary who joined the 2009 condolence delegation (http://www.nkleadershipwatch.org/kim-ki-nam/).

South Korean key words

At several points this story invokes phrases that hint at how North Korea's writers are in tune with South Korean media terms and key words. The following terms appear in the story:

실용정부 "pragmatic government" - another term for the Lee Myŏng Bak administration; the North Korean text uses this term disparagingly several times.
흡수통일, 급변사태대응책 "Unification by absorption" "Response Strategy for Sudden Emergency" - phrases in vogue whenever North Korean collapse seems imminent
잃어버린 10년 "the lost decade" - refers to the ten years of sunshine policy.
인동초 "Honeysuckle" - apparently this was a nickname of Kim Dae-jung. This seems fairly obscure, but one South Korean blogger wrote this post explaining its meaning.
목포의 눈물 "Tears of Mokpo" - The story describes this as one of Kim Dae-jung's favorite songs. This song is indeed associated with Kim Dae Jung, who considered Mokpo his second hometown.
보안법 National Security Law - The law invoked in South Korea to crack down on pro-North sentiment. Apparently the incident with the incense altars being prohibited by the NSL actually happened.
다음, 네이버 Daum, Naver - listed among the "big 5 internet sites" of South Korea that supposedly posted mourning pages for Kim Jong Il. 
퍼주기 to overfeed, coddle - this is a phrase that was used a lot by South Korean conservatives as the Sunshine Policy was winding down in the late 2000s. In the story, the MoU officials use this phrase to explain their opposition to a condolence visit: "We can't keep coddling them all the time."